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Illinois is in dire straits and unlikely to get better until new leadership is in power. We have in place now a Governor whose idea is to run the State like a business (Trumpian idea). To that end proposals have been made and some implemented but most have resulted in a statewide stalemate in which funding for vital services have been stopped due to the inability to set a budget. The Governor has held the state hostage because of his demands that do nothing to help the State but will ultimately benefit him. This appears to be the same track  that our TOTUS is on. Essentially it appears that for him it’s the “my way or the highway” thinking. This will ultimately end (or has) his term as Governor and possibly some of the older leadership of the Legislature as well. MA

The last major Illinois election was about change. The promised change was from a businessman whose income is derived from investments. The Excerpt below is from Rauner’s bio:
“The goal was never glitz or glamour, just profits. GTCR would buy mom-and-pop funeral homes, for example, then scoop up ancillary businesses: flower shops, coffin makers, cemeteries. Rauner once told a reporter that the funeral industry was “immune to downturns” and could “generate considerable profits.” He found the laundry industry equally attractive. “We have a locked-in customer base,” he explained to the Sun-Times. “If prices go up, the tenants still use it.” Elsewhere, he put it another way: “People have to wash their underwear, even if there’s a recession.
Other businesses on Rauner’s shopping list: security, ATM networks, school buses, outdoor advertising, pay phones, fleet refueling, crushed stone, debt collection, check authorization, and steel tube manufacturing. “Over 19 years, we have generated gross returns of about 40 percent,” Rauner told the Sun-Times in 1999. “After fees, investors have averaged a 30 percent profit.”
One success, according to Crain’s, was “a $1 million stake in a chain of psychiatric hospitals yield[ing] a $10 million return when it was sold just one year after the original investment.” Then there was a $200 million investment in American Medical Laboratories, which was sold to Quest Diagnostics for $500 million in 2002. VeriFone, a provider of electronic payment systems, in which GTCR acquired an 88 percent stake in 2002, remains one of Rauner’s favorites. “We turned $60 million into $860 million,” he boasted to this magazine in 2011.
VeriFone is also a favorite of the Quinn campaign because it outsources much of its manufacturing to China, Singapore, and Brazil, providing Quinn with a sound-bite-ready example of how Rauner has hurt local workers. Quinn has also repeatedly criticized Rauner for the job cuts that typically follow the consolidations at the core of GTCR’s profits. And expect him to make more hay with allegations raised during the primary that GTCR plundered nursing homes, causing care to deteriorate and residents to die. “Bruce Rauner makes Mitt Romney look like Gandhi,” insists Doug Ibendahl, the former general counsel of the Illinois Republican Party. (In a televised debate in March, Rauner called ads citing the nursing home allegations “an outrageous political attack, taking advantage of a death or suffering of a family to score political points.”)

Rauner kept his early commitment to make lots of money and devote lots of it to the environment. His campaign spokesman says he has donated more than $1 million to various environmental causes. He even casts his considerable purchases of land in Montana and Wyoming as a way to preserve it from development. “I know this will sound corny,” Rauner told the Sun-Times in 2003, “but I remember my grandfather saying, ‘Bruce, when you die, just make sure the world is a better place because you were here.’ ”
But it is his commitment to education reform that has helped him segue from business to politics. Both individually and through his family foundation, Rauner has devoted more than $20 million to improving public education in Chicago, he has said—in part by funding charter schools. Mayor Rahm Emanuel’s first schools chief, Jean Claude-Brizard, tells me that he used to meet often with Rauner. “It’s hard not to know Bruce Rauner if you’re in education in Chicago,” he says. “Even folks in New York were telling me about Bruce. He was very hands on.” (Rauner has also given millions to his alma mater, Dartmouth, which three of his daughters attended; the special collections library there bears his name.)
Diana embraced philanthropy too, earning a doctorate in developmental psychology at the University of Chicago and becoming president of the Ounce of Prevention Fund, an educational nonprofit for at-risk young children. Board seats followed: at the Latin School, at After School Matters, at the Kohl Children’s Museum. Her husband joined the board of the Chicago Public Education Fund, where other members have included such civic heavy hitters as Susan Crown, Ken Griffin, Penny Pritzker, and Helen Zell.
For years, Rauner saw his role in politics as writing big checks to candidates—more than $3.5 million since 1998, according to the Better Government Association—rather than governing. But then, about a decade ago, he began flirting with the idea of running for office. He didn’t pull the trigger at first, friends say, because he and Diana were worried about the inevitable media scrutiny.
Then governor Quinn was unable to make any substantial improvements in Illinois’ fiscal situation which was part of his undoing along with his connection to disgraced Governor Rod Blagojevitch.
Why did Quinn lose? Here are five reasons.

“November and December”:
When Gov. Pat Quinn met with the Daily Herald editorial board in September, he was asked why voters should believe he could accomplish his budget plans in 2015, given that he hadn’t succeeded this spring. That budget included making the 2011 temporary state income tax hike permanent.
Quinn immediately offered: “It’s going to happen in 2014, in November and December.”
“They’re going to have to take a look at what I proposed and realize that that’s the best way to go,” he said of lawmakers.
While legislative procedures mean he almost certainly couldn’t have succeeded before 2015, Quinn planted the seed in voters’ minds that he was rushing to keep income taxes where they are instead of letting the rate drop at the end of the year.
In 2011, lawmakers approved an income tax increase in the hours before a new class of officials took their seats and with the help of a number of lame ducks who were later offered state jobs.
Rauner used Quinn’s quote in ads and debates, trying to raise the idea that Democrats would make the same move again.
Effectiveness:
Quinn had a number of big legislative wins on his record. He signed same-sex marriage legislation into law, and a years long effort to try to save the state money by cutting teachers’ and state workers’ pension benefits was approved.
Still, Rauner worked to paint Quinn as a “failure.”
One of Quinn’s key pitches to voters was that he’d work to raise the minimum wage. Rauner countered that Quinn’s party had been in power in Springfield for years, so he should have been able to get it done already.
Bad news:
Quinn took office in the hours after senators decided to kick disgraced former Gov. Rod Blagojevich out of office and inherited Illinois finances that were immensely troubled.
Via the income tax increase and other moves, Quinn and lawmakers were able to put a dent in the state’s debts over his term in office. But the state was in such a deep hole that big challenges remained.
As governor, Quinn couldn’t avoid tough decisions in his term. Tough decisions are hard to campaign on, and Rauner tried to offer voters an alternative by largely not describing how he’d specifically address a lot of the same problems.
Winds:
Republicans nationally had the political winds at their backs Tuesday night as the party swept to big wins in Congress and the U.S. Senate.
The GOP picked up both of the biggest races for Congress in Illinois, too.
Those national gains are largely seen as voter backlash against President Barack Obama.
Quinn is a big fan of Obama’s who stood with him for multiple events late in the campaign, so Quinn could have been hurt by the national mood.
Friends:
Republican candidates for office in Illinois loved talking about Rauner and change.
In the end, Rauner failed to drag more than a few Republicans to Springfield along with him.
Democratic candidates for the Illinois House were able to fend off strong challenges across the suburbs.
Those Democratic candidates were going door to door for months, most telling voters they are against keeping income taxes where they are. Sensing the political mood on taxes, candidates in Quinn’s own party were contradicting him in the suburbs for months.

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